Introduction

The first session of the 110th Congress convened in January 2007. Following the major Democratic gains in the 2006 elections, the House and Senate were controlled by the Democratic Party. Representative Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) was elected the first woman speaker in the history of the House. Senator Harry Reid (D-Nev.) was elected Senate majority leader. By virtue of their majorities, Democrats were able to control the agenda in Congress, and to schedule hearings and markups on issues of concern to working families.

Democratic Congressional leaders moved quickly to push a number of pieces of legislation backed by the UAW, the rest of the labor movement and other progressive groups. These initiatives were generally approved by the House. But in the Senate, Republicans were able to use filibusters to stymie action on many of these initiatives. In other cases, President Bush vetoed progressive measures. Thus, 2007 was characterized by gridlock on many key issues.

Legislation to increase the minimum wage was one of the few issues that was completed during 2007. But even on this issue, Senate Republicans were able to use a filibuster to force Democrats to combine the minimum wage increase with a package of tax breaks for small business.

The House acted quickly to approve labor-backed measures to require employers to recognize a union on the basis of majority sign up procedures; to require Medicare to negotiate drug prices discounts from the pharmaceutical companies; and to give residents of Washington, D.C. voting representation in Congress. But Senate Republicans used filibusters to block action on all of these important initiatives.

The House and Senate approved legislation to expand the State Children’s Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) to provide health care coverage to 4 million more poor children. They also approved a more progressive budget plan that called for greater spending on education, health care and other vital domestic programs, while rejecting proposals to expand tax breaks for corporations and the rich. But President Bush vetoed the children’s health care bill and blocked progressive appropriations measures, which would have provided increased funding for domestic programs.

Of course, hanging over everything was the continuing deadlock on the Iraq War. House and Senate Democrats repeatedly pushed measures to force a change in our Iraq policies. But President Bush and his GOP allies in Congress blocked these efforts, and the administration continued to pursue its disastrous surge strategy in Iraq.

Worker Rights

One of the very first initiatives that the Democratic-controlled House took up was legislation to provide a long overdue increase in the minimum wage of $2.10 over two years. This was a “clean bill” without any tax breaks for corporations or any “poison pill” amendments. With the strong support of the UAW and other unions, the House easily approved this measure. However, when the Senate tried to pass this bill in January, Republicans used a filibuster to stop it. Democrats were eventually forced to accept a package of tax breaks for small business in order to get sufficient votes to pass the minimum wage legislation. The House and Senate approved the final version of the minimum wage increase-small business tax package in May, and this legislation was signed into law by President Bush.

On March 1 the House took up another top priority for the UAW and other unions, the Employee Free Choice Act (EFCA). This legislation would require employers to recognize a union whenever a majority of the workers sign authorization cards indicating that they want to be represented by the union. It also would provide for mediation and arbitration in first contract situations, and would increase penalties on companies that violate workers’ rights to organize and bargain collectively. Republicans offered a number of gutting amendments. But the House rejected an amendment by Rep. Steve King (R-Iowa) that would have outlawed an organizing tactic known as “salting,” and allowed employers to refuse to hire workers suspected of being pro-union. It also rejected a substitute proposal by Rep. Buck McKeon (R-Calif.) that would have prohibited employers from voluntarily agreeing to recognize a union on the basis of majority sign up. In the end, the House passed EFCA on a largely party line vote.

The UAW and the rest of the labor movement then made a major effort to pass EFCA in the Senate. We were able to get the support of a majority in the Senate, including all Democrats and Sen. Arlen Specter (R-Pa.). But in the end Senate Republicans were able to use a filibuster to block consideration of this measure. Subsequently, right-wing GOP Sen. Jim DeMint (R-S.C.) offered an amendment to make it unlawful for companies to voluntarily recognize a union through a majority sign up process. But the Senate rejected this attack on the right of workers to organize.

Health Care

During the first 100 hours of the 110th Congress, the House took up legislation to require Medicare to negotiate drug price discounts from the pharmaceutical companies. The UAW and a broad coalition of labor, senior and other progressive groups strongly supported this legislation, which would have resulted in savings for Medicare and senior citizens. The House quickly approved this important measure.

In April the Senate took up a more modest version of this legislation that simply would have allowed Medicare to negotiate these drug price discounts. But even this version was too much for the pharmaceutical companies and their GOP allies, who used a filibuster to block consideration of this measure.

Another top priority for the UAW and our progressive allies was legislation to reauthorize and expand the State Children’s Health Insurance Program (SCHIP). The House and Senate initially passed different versions of this legislation. But in September Democratic congressional leaders hammered out a compromise bill that provided $35 billion in additional funding to expand health insurance coverage to 4 million more poor children. With our strong support, the House and Senate easily approved this important legislation. But President Bush vetoed this bill, complaining that it represented an expansion of “government-run” health care. House Democratic leaders tried to override this veto, but enough Republicans stuck with President Bush to sustain his veto. Thus, at the time this Voting Record was written, there still was gridlock on this key issue.

Trade

The UAW and our progressive allies strongly supported legislation crafted by House Democratic leaders to improve the Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) program. This measure significantly increased the funding for this program, and also included reforms to expand the number of workers who would be eligible for assistance. It also improved the health care tax credit (HCTC) to enable more laid off workers to continue their health insurance coverage. In addition, this legislative package included labor-backed reforms to modernize and expand eligibility under state unemployment insurance programs, and to strengthen the advance notice requirements under the WARN Act in plant closing and mass layoff situations. The House easily approved this legislation. But Senate Republicans blocked action on similar legislation by insisting that it be linked to an extension of Trade Promotion (“fast track”) Authority. President Bush also threatened to veto this measure.

Budget/Taxes

House and Senate Democratic leaders crafted a budget plan for FY 2008 that was fiscally responsible, but also provided increased funding for education, health care and other vital domestic programs. It also continued tax provisions benefiting working families, but rejected calls from the Bush administration and congressional Republicans to extend tax breaks for the rich. With the strong support of the UAW and other progressive groups, in May the House and Senate approved the conference report on this Democratic budget plan.

Much of the rest of 2007 was taken up with efforts by congressional Democrats to implement this budget plan by passing the annual appropriations bills funding government programs and agencies. In particular, with the support of the UAW and our progressive allies, the House and Senate passed a conference report on the Labor-Health-Education appropriations bill that contained significantly increased funding for education, health care and other vital domestic programs. However, President Bush vetoed this key appropriations package, and enough House Republicans stuck with the administration to uphold this veto. Thus, at the time this Voting Record was written, there still was gridlock on this issue.

Civil and Human Rights

The UAW and our allies in the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) supported legislation to give the citizens of the District of Columbia a vote in the House of Representatives. The House approved this measure in April. But Senate Republicans subsequently used a filibuster to block consideration of this measure.

The UAW and our civil rights allies also supported legislation to strengthen federal hate crimes law by removing unnecessary obstacles to federal prosecutions and by providing authority for federal involvement in a wider category of bias-motivated crimes. The House passed this bill in May. The Senate later overcame a GOP filibuster to approve this legislation as an amendment to the defense authorization bill. However, the Bush administration and congressional Republicans were still opposing this measure. At the time this Voting Record was written, this issue was still unresolved.

The UAW and our civil rights allies also backed legislation to overturn the terrible Supreme Court decision in Ledbetter v. Goodyear Tire & Rubber, which greatly limited the ability of workers to seek redress for unlawful pay discrimination. With out support, the House passed this measure in July. During the coming year we will be urging the Senate to approve similar legislation.

The UAW and a broad coalition of progressive groups strongly opposed dangerous voter ID proposals that would disenfranchise many minorities, elderly, disabled, rural and low-income voters. Thanks to our opposition, the Senate rejected a voter ID amendment offered by Minority Leader Mitch McConnel (R-Ky.).

Throughout 2007 the UAW worked to increase funding for the Legal Services Corporation (LSC), which provides basic legal representation to the poor. We view these legal services programs as a critical component of efforts to provide equal access to our civil justice system. The UAW also represents many of the people who are employed by legal services programs across the country. In October, Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.) offered an amendment that would have slashed funding for the LSC by $20 million. Thanks to our vigorous opposition, this amendment was defeated.

During 2007 the Senate extensively debated comprehensive immigration legislation. The UAW and other unions strongly opposed provisions in this bill that would have vastly expanded abusive guest worker programs, allowing almost a million temporary workers to be brought into the United States, with no ability to ever become permanent residents. These temporary workers would not have been accorded full, equal workplace rights, and thus could have been used by unscrupulous employers to drive down wages, benefits and working conditions for all employees. With our backing, Senator Byron Dorgan (D-N.D.) offered an amendment to sunset these dangerous guest worker provisions. This amendment originally failed by a single vote. But when Senator Dorgan offered it a second time, the amendment was narrowly approved by the Senate. Subsequently, the overall immigration legislation was blocked by a GOP filibuster.

Iraq War

The UAW and a broad range of organizations strongly opposed President Bush’s plan to expand the number of U.S. combat troops in Iraq. In our judgment, it was wrong to send more U.S. troops into the midst of a civil war. The House approved a resolution disapproving President Bush’s Iraq troop surge. But Senate Republicans used a filibuster to block consideration of similar legislation.

Debate over our policies in Iraq consumed much of the congressional legislative session during 2007. Despite repeated efforts by Democrats to force changes, the Bush administration remained adamant on continuing its Iraq policies. Enough House and Senate Republicans backed these policies to thwart Democratic legislative initiatives that attempted to chart a new course in Iraq.

Conclusion